We are entitled to ask why government-making talks cannot gather pace sooner rather than later. Enter Covid-19, aka the coronavirus, and let it take its place alongside the Brexit Part II talks which open today in Brussels. Keep those two in mind and add the mass flooding across the country.
Then note ongoing talk of an international economic slowdown, which has been pending for some time for various reasons, but may now be driven by the international outbreak of the virus.
And put all of them alongside these marathon coalition "talks about talks" in the wake of the general election 18 days ago.
We're told the Dáil arithmetic suggests only one workable outcome: a Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael, Green Party - and possibly others - alliance.
Well, if that's it, why not let it happen swiftly? If not, let's look at other less likely options. And beyond that, let's get on with the least-preferred result: a second general election which might end this deadlocked phoney political war.
On the other hand, given the sum of the challenges ahead, why not some kind of national government including Sinn Féin? Since we share the Dáil seats along the lines of vote-share, why not extend that principle to Cabinet seats?
Many seasoned followers of politics will find that statement naive. But so were ideas of Fianna Fáil sharing with the Progressive Democrats in June 1989, Labour's Dick Spring allying with Albert Reynolds and Fianna Fáil in 1992, Fine Gael joining forces with Democratic Left in 1994, and even the current prospect of Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil linking up.
Most of those things happened - it's called politics. If you look at the unlikely government partners across Europe, you will see all kinds of possibilities.
Yes, it certainly has been a very difficult time for all our politicians, who fought a very tough election campaign through late January into the first week of February. The outcome has been the least decisive in the State's history.
Sinn Féin got one in four of the votes - a huge boost from the last election in February 2016, when it got one in seven voters. The party has been busy driving this point home about the unexpected surge in support over the ensuing three weeks.
It is entirely Sinn Féin's right to do that. But let's bear in mind that three out of four voters did not choose Sinn Féin on February 7 last.
Let's not forget also that it is the democratic right of both Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael to choose not to share government with any particular party or grouping.
It is equally interesting to observe that - despite having 37 TDs - Sinn Féin is a huge distance away from pulling a disparate left-leaning government from the 'ABFF-FG' department.
And then, there is the blindingly obvious reality that Sinn Féin would relish a period in well-defined opposition, once again being right about everything that is wrong, and counting down the days to the next election when it could make even more serious gains.
To cite the plummy-sounding score-caller at Wimbledon tennis matches in London, it is very definitely 'Advantage Ms McDonald' right now.
But there is a view among some in Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael that they should do what they can to ensure Sinn Féin gets into government. That less-likely scenario would involve some kind of tactical abstention to allow Mary Lou McDonald and her colleagues to pull together some kind of minority administration. It would ideally allow voters to be reminded that the latest shiny political thing had a rather superficial lustre. We would all be reminded government is much slower, more complex, and much harder than criticising from the opposition benches.
That scenario is about giving Sinn Féin the scope to come up short of voter expectations - just like Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael, Labour, the Green Party and others did in the past few decades. As a government-making scenario, it also seems a little far-fetched.
But if you were going for it, why not go the whole hog and opt for a national government?
The idea would give cover to both Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael to overcome their constant anti-Sinn Féin messaging. Dare we say it, an intensified Covid-19 crisis would deliver a multitude of political cover here.
Micheál Martin especially, and also Leo Varadkar, would be able to climb down from the "never-ever Sinn Féin in government" rock upon which they are marooned. It would also serve to dial down this growing whinge by Sinn Féin members that they - and by extension their voters - are being unfairly driven out of a share in power.
It's a pretty safe bet that Sinn Féin would, in the fullness of time, turn down such a national government offer with many rhetorical flourishes.
It is also true that the process would only add to the time-wasting we have decried at the start of this piece.
But it would still be a valid political exercise and would be worth the effort for many reasons.
It's also odds-on that the national government idea is a total non-starter. It might be filed alongside the naive idea of "work a day for Ireland" which came in April 1980 from the quintessential political tough guy of his day, John Boland. Yep, not only did that not fly, it became a term of popular abuse.
That brings us back to 'Plan A' which is the Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael, Green Party line-up. This is fraught and the path to it is filled with obstacles. After the negotiations, the respective parties' rank and file would have to sign off on it.
But, ultimately, it could be a good and durable government. So, we are back to the question about why our politicians should delay the inevitable government line-up.
We are reminded of Shakespeare's Macbeth reflecting upon the murder of the king to give him the throne: "If it were done when 'tis done, then 'twere well it were done quickly," said the ill-fated Scottish assassin-turned-king. A long-winded way of saying: "Get on with it."