Last week most of the good stuff was on Newstalk, starting with my post-mortem on the US presidential debate and finishing with Charlie Flanagan's 'country solicitor' dissection of the film Unquiet Graves.
What gave my Trump analysis extra edge was that, unlike most Irish pundits, I don't indulge in attacks on him for two reasons.
First, we can't affect the American election. Second, we don't get the mind of Middle America.
This was brought home to us last week when Larry Donnelly, a Democrat supporter, tweeted that Trump's tax problems had no traction in the United States where everybody hates the IRS.
Accordingly, I set the scene with Shane Coleman by saying that, unlike most Irish hacks, I always believed Trump would get a second term, still believe it, but that his performance last Tuesday had put a question mark over it for two reasons.
First, the polls show that Trump has a six-point gap to close, and polls now take account of their own bias.
Second, that means he must reach beyond his base. His situation is like that of Mary Robinson in 1990 when I reminded her she needed to reach beyond the liberal agenda of the Labour Party to win FG voters.
But Trump stupidly spoke only to his base - which he has got anyway - instead of talking to moderate Republicans and right-wing Democrats.
Furthermore, I added that his constant interruptions were irritating to viewers - and would especially have alienated women who are continually the victim of male interruptions.
In sum: Trump lost it more than Biden had won it, and if he repeats that bull- in-a-china-shop routine in a second debate he will be in big trouble.
The second Newstalk highlight was Charlie Flanagan's deadpan dissection of the extraordinary RTÉ decision to show Unquiet Graves.
One of the best moments came when Shane Coleman put it to him that the makers of Unquiet Graves claimed the film had been privately funded.
Flanagan said: "I was a solicitor before I entered politics. If somebody came into my office with a bag of money and said 'I want to buy a house', the issue would not so much be the purchase of the house - the issue would be the money and where the money came from."
Charlie Flanagan is one of the few members of the Government who shares Micheál Martin's deep moral distaste for the IRA and its apologists.
In fact, Flanagan has direct experience of IRA intimidation. In 1976, the gardaí believed that the IRA were planning to assassinate his father, Oliver J Flanagan, a fearless critic of the IRA.
Fears that an active and murderous IRA gang were active in the Laois-Offaly area proved well founded.
On October 16, 1976, five gardaí were lured by a fake tip-off to a derelict farmhouse at Garryhinch.
The IRA had planted a massive bomb under the front door of the house that was set to detonate when the door was opened.
Garda Michael Clerkin, aged 25, was killed instantly when he opened the door. Garda Tom Peters was permanently blinded by the explosion. He died last year.
Shortly before he died - and 42 years after the Garryhinch bomb - Charlie Flanagan as Minister for Justice helped to ensure that Garda Tom Peters was awarded the Scott Medal, which Flanagan rightly said was "long overdue".
Although Twitter lit up with Sinn Féin trolls abusing Flanagan, I could find few FG members defending him.
Furthermore, none of the national media, bar the Irish Independent and the Mail, mentioned his RTÉ letter or his vicious savaging by SF trolls on Twitter.
If politicians and media keep up that cowardly silence when Sinn Féin critics are attacked then we won't have to wait long for a Sinn Féin government.
The same media also ignored Micheál Martin's cold dissection of the difference between his Fianna Fáil and Sinn Féin in the Dáil last Tuesday - but this time Fianna Fáil members on Twitter showed up in force to welcome his stance. "The essence of my party has been to unite Protestant, Catholic and dissenter. We are of the Wolfe Tone persuasion. We are constitutional republicans who believe in the European Union."
But Diarmaid Ferriter writing in The Irish Times echoed the chorus of Martin critics who complain his attacks on Sinn Féin are "backfiring" and presented Martin's views as personal rather than political.
"As Fianna Fáil leader, Martin has adopted the habit of going for the Sinn Féin jugular, to little effect. It is clear his dislike of the party is visceral and over the years his contempt has been summed up in his assertion: 'How dare they claim to own Irish republicanism!'"
The words 'dislike' and 'visceral' demean Martin's cogent moral and political reasons for calling out the Sinn Féin narrative on Northern Ireland. Surely a historian like Diarmaid Ferriter can see the leaders of all constitutional parties in the Dáil have a duty of care to the rising generation to challenge Sinn Féin's sectarian narrative?
Ferriter is also factually wrong in believing that Martin's constant challenges to Sinn Féin's narrative are backfiring on him.
First, Martin's forensic attacks on Sinn Féin are popular with the rank and file of the party - witness the strong support his remarks received from FF supporters on Twitter.
Second, the rank and file of the party, if not the parliamentary grandees, know that Sinn Féin absolutely hates being called out on moral grounds, hates any mention of Jean McConville or Paul Quinn.
Unlike the grassroots, the grandees in FF have never grasped that the party's Unique Selling Point is Martin's moral fervour in showing the stark difference between Fianna Fáil and Sinn Féin is finally moral.
Martin dissects Sinn Féin's lies not with a Leo-style bluster based on ephemeral policy differences, but with a surgeon's scalpel.
He draws blood with an authoritative analysis of Sinn Féin's support for the IRA, cuts deep into its recent past to reveal the permanent sectarian barrier to Fianna Fáil doing any deal, shows how Sinn Féin's militarised party is the main obstacle to a future pluralist, republican united Ireland.
The FF dinosaurs think they can see off Sinn Féin by making the same tribal sounds as that party but they can't grasp that they will end up lowing like lost cattle stampeding in a green herd, heading for the cliffs.
Martin refuses to parrot Sinn Féin slogans, refuses to recognise them as republicans, but treats them as a threat to peace.
Politically, he expunges them from the republican fold by showing they are alien to the Wolfe Tone-Seamus Mallon tradition.
Far from backfiring, Martin's short, abrasive political and moral sermons in the Dáil are taking the green shine off Sinn Féin's shoddy sectarian policy and offering the public an alternative - a pristine, pluralist Republic of Catholic, Protestant and dissenter.
If Martin were to lay off Sinn Féin it would mean a political and national surrender to that party's narrative of the Northern Troubles and leave no space for any other story.
But Martin is the son of a boxer. He will never throw in the towel.