Many have secured a special deal with EU - the North could too

The European Commission estimates that under the EU Budget in the period 2014-2020, Northern Ireland will benefit from €3.5bn in transfers. To these benefits must also be added financial support from the special EU Commission Task Force for Northern Ireland, which was renewed in January of this year, research grants under the EU Horizon 2020 programme, investment from the EIB and the capacity of Northern Ireland students access the Erasmus student exchange programme. Northern Irish farmers in particular are major beneficiaries under various EU agricultural and rural affairs programmes.

Irrespective of what happens post-Brexit, Northern Ireland special status is recognised. Under the Good Friday Agreement for instance, citizens of Northern Ireland are entitled to dual British and Irish citizenship. It was interesting recently to hear Ian Paisley Jnr MP encouraging people in Northern Ireland to get an Irish passport. The idea of EU Associate Membership for Northern Ireland post-Brexit should not cause any surprise. If there is one thing the EU is good at, it's an ability to solve problems.

There are 25 overseas countries and territories which have developed special membership status of the EU arising from their relationship with an EU member state. These include the French overseas territories, the Dutch overseas territories, and the British overseas territories. Eight specific areas in Europe have unique arrangements with the EU. Most people in Ireland are probably unaware for instance that as a UK Crown Dependency, the Isle of Man was never an integral part of the EU. Protocol 3 of the UK's accession treaty with the EU governs the Isle of Man's special relationship with the EU.

Gibraltar is a particularly interesting case.

Gibraltar joined the EU with the UK in 1973 but is not part of the EU customs union and is not part of the EU VAT area, largely due to the fact that in 1973 Gibraltar was cut off by mainland Spain by the border closure imposed by General Franco.

Gibraltar, which like Northern Ireland, voted to remain in the EU, is obviously anxious to protect its own interests in Brexit negotiations.

Greenland joined the EU as part of Denmark in 1973 but left in 1985 following a referendum to leave. The Greenland Treaty which formalised their exit called for "close and lasting links between the EEC and Greenland to be maintained". Very close co-operation and funding from the EU to Greenland continues to this day.

There are other examples also deserving of consideration. Iceland, Norway and Lichtenstein have all been able to negotiate a type of virtual member status of the EU.

Switzerland also has its own unique relationship with the EU though it is under strain at the moment on the issue of free movement. Turkey is a non-EU state which participates in the EU Customs Union.

I have also suggested that in the negotiations Ireland should be prepared to make a contribution to the EU budget on behalf of Northern Ireland in order to allow it to have full access to all EU programmes.

On a rough calculation this would amount to somewhere in the region of €250m per annum. I think this would be a very small price to pay for the economic benefits which will continue to flow to the island of Ireland from continuing membership by Northern Ireland of the EU. On this critical issue we need to be givers, not just takers.

For Northern Ireland to get associate membership, there must be five concrete conditions that must define this status. Firstly, Northern Ireland would have to commit to adhere to the application of EU laws and Treaties concerning the free movement and the single market. Such laws could be passed by the Northern Ireland Assembly and then given Royal Assent.

Secondly, the Jurisdiction of the European Court of Justice on relevant EU Treaties and EU legislation should still apply in Northern Ireland.

Thirdly, all parties need to recognise the common travel area on these islands and the lack of a physical border on the island of Ireland as a fundamental starting point in the negotiations with the EU.

Fourthly, Northern Ireland must remain part of the EU Budget. Northern Ireland should be able to draw down funding under the EU budget and its funding programmes, especially the CAP, as long as it adheres to underpinning principles of EU laws.

And finally, Northern Ireland must have an arrangement where it is part of the Customs Union.

That means no levies of EU goods coming from the 27 and the imposition of external tarriffs on all goods entering its jurisdiction from outside the EU.

Since its establishment, the EU has shown great flexibility in accommodating particular national and regional concerns. There is much at stake here given the importance of sustaining the peace process and acknowledging the EU's role in that process from the 1980s.

Drawing on the goodwill which exists towards Ireland, I am confident that Ireland's particular situation will be accommodated by the EU. But it would require a joint approach by the Northern Ireland Executive and the Irish Government to the EU. To use the words of Foreign Affairs Minister Charlie Flanagan, a special deal might be possible.

Irish Independent