'The people voted for change and this is not change." That's the message we heard a lot last week. We'll hear more of in the next few weeks. It might not be change everyone believes in, but change it certainly is.
Not because of the 'historic' coalition between Fianna Fail and Fine Gael; that barely seems important now.
The change is the shift of the Irish political centre of gravity. Ireland is a left-leaning country now.
Even if this could be the most right-wing government that you could produce from the fractured 33rd Dail, it is not that right-wing at all. The nominally right-wing parties have never been that right-wing. Though the term neo-liberalism is thrown about like confetti, only a handful of Irish politicians ever fitted that description.
Fianna Fail has always been of the centre, believing in an important role for the State. It might have been dragged to the right by coalition with the PDs, and some prominent members, but even then it was as close to trade unions as it was business.
You could argue it got too close to both, but not that it sought the retreat of the State.
Fine Gael is a Christian Democratic party with social democratic tendencies. Perhaps a bit more paternalistic than Fianna Fail, it never displayed any of the Thatcherite tendencies it is often accused of.
If it was attached to austerity policies in the 1980s and 2010s, it was because it felt it had to, not because it wanted to. It only ever wanted to maintain sound finances. You could argue that it was too cautious in that, but not that it sought the retreat of the State.
Covid-19 might have revealed the true Fine Gael. As finance minister, Paschal Donohoe introduced massive spending, providing a significant safety net to those worst affected by the economic downturn. The Government all but eliminated the two-tier system (albeit temporarily) and introduced rent freezes and a ban on evictions (both also temporary measures).But it is the programme for government, A Shared Future, that was introduced last week that shows that the political centre of gravity is on the centre-left. Fianna Fail and Fine Gael have signed up to something that looks straight out of a mainstream European centre-left party.
The most radical aspect of A Shared Future is the environmental aspect. Though you can argue that green issues are neither left nor right, most people associate them with the left.
As well as a big increase in carbon taxes, something Fine Gael dragged its feet on for years, there is a major shift in focus from private transport to public transport and to walking and cycling.
Money is being committed to capital projects on renewable energy with the intention of halving Ireland's carbon emissions by 2030.
There are plenty of things that Fianna Fail and Fine Gael look like they would want - especially the emphasis on small businesses and supports for agriculture, and there are no planned income tax rises.
But in other areas, A Shared Future reads like a wish list of the left. The programme promises to progress towards a living wage. It will maintain social welfare rates. It promises to extend paid parental leave. It says the Government will implement Slaintecare, a plan to introduce universal healthcare.
It promises to increase the stock of social housing by 50,000, built mainly by the State. It promises to introduce a cost rental model. It will increase the number of non-religious schools.
It promises to end the system of direct provision for asylum seekers. It says it will bring in an action plan against racism, and introduce measures to help people with disabilities, Travellers, and Roma. It will introduce hate crime legislation. It aims to hit the development aid target of 0.7pc of GNI by 2030.
And how will it be paid for? This is the most left-wing bit of all - increased public borrowing.
If it delivered all that, it should be a government that even Sinn Fein, Labour and the Social Democrats would be proud to be part of. So why are some Greens struggling with the decision to sign up?
Though it is long, the programme for government is also vague on many aspects. It promises to 'progress' many issues, without saying to what extent it will go.
There will be a referendum on housing, but it fails to say any more.
The three parties involved can reasonably say that we're still not in a post-Covid-19 world and we don't yet know the outcome, so it needs to avoid tying itself to specific commitments that might not be feasible or necessary.
Another reason for people's doubt is the programme for government's emphasis on deficit reduction. The government - if it's formed - promises to use any windfalls to reduce the deficit, and puts the need to reduce it to the fore. This, the left reads as a euphemism for 'austerity', as if Fianna Fail and Fine Gael hanker after cutbacks.
The real reason many are suspicious of the proposed government is because of a visceral dislike of Fianna Fail and Fine Gael.
They are convinced this is some desperate bid for power, not that Fianna Fail and Fine Gael are non-ideological centre parties.
Many on the left are so attached to ideological purity that even when it's raining soup, they keep their spoons in their pockets.