This Government, in the making, is the most reluctant in history, facing into the most difficult period in living memory with the most uncertain outcome that ever struggled to be imagined.
The constituent parts, Fine Gael, Fianna Fail and the Greens are bitterly divided in favour of and against forming the government in the first place.
And even those in favour are unsure, coming to it with internal conflicts, sized up from outside the tent by those against the formation for no one specific reason other than it feels wrong to them.
The level of trust between the three is practically non-existent, as we saw recently when it emerged, or was leaked, that the Department of the Environment, whose responsibility it is (just in case), is making preparations for another election should the whole thing fall apart while the coronavirus pandemic is still with us.
The issue was not that the department is making plans but that the news was leaked at a time when the three parties get to the business end of the negotiations which, we are told, will take another month to be concluded, if at all.
The leak clearly came from Fine Gael. Its purpose was at least two-fold - to either knock heads or strike fear into Fianna Fail and the Greens in the negotiation room; and/or to reassure Fine Gaelers opposed to this government that plans for another election are being laid, and it would be sought at the first reasonable opportunity, as some of us had said was always in the offing.
This led to charges of bad faith by Fianna Fail, although it was only potential bad faith, with that party's education spokesman, Thomas Byrne, also describing as "utterly sick" the leaking of information that voting may take place, should the need arise, in nursing homes at a time when the oldest and wisest are dying wholesale due to the ravages of the virus.
They all moved on from that after 24 hours, but still, it is worth dwelling on the prospect of ballot boxes in nursing homes for a moment.
Last Sunday afternoon Fine Gael issued a statement criticising Byrne and his Fianna Fail colleague Barry Cowen, who had accused Fine Gael of "bad faith".
This was the latest, by now far more typical aggressive statement by Leo Varadkar, who has adopted a tougher stance since he was rejected by the public last February, as if to say 'no more Mr Nice Guy' when it comes to his critics.
He was right about one thing, the opening line: "Following the unwillingness and inability of other parties to form a government without us…"
After the election, Varadkar expressed a wish to go into opposition after nine years of Fine Gael in government and two poor election results.
It was as if even Fine Gael had become tired of Fine Gael. His intention, he said, to rebuild the party. And why wouldn't he? The alternative is a difficult two years trying to put the country right after the ruinous coronavirus.
You would expect Micheal Martin to respond to such a statement in a robust fashion, or at least respond to the statement. But he did not.
The truth is he can not afford to do or say anything that will put at risk his election to the office of Taoiseach, and that includes keeping schtum while Varadkar harrumphs that he "will be in contact with the leader of Fianna Fail to discuss the matter".
On the other hand, maybe it is as well there is at least one calm head in the room.
Martin has no choice but to proceed now along the course he is on, destined to be handed the reins by Fine Gael in time for the unwinding and ultimately the scrapping of the €350-a-week payment to workers who have lost their employment because of the virus.
Guess who will be blamed when it is scrapped? Not Fine Gael, which intends to extend the payment for a few weeks to get over the hump before they hand over the blame to the patsies in Fianna Fail.
Until last week Micheal Martin looked the most vulnerable, that is to say, weakest of the three leaders, who could have been given a wedgie in the negotiation room by the other two and there would be nothing he could do about it.
Until last week, that is.
Then we discover the plot to oust the Green leader, Eamon Ryan, is gathering pace - it may still come to nothing - that leaves him looking as fragile as a plant box on a windowsill in the wind, the new hope being Catherine Martin, who is opposed to the new government but is still leading the Greens in the negotiations.
So, there are two votes to take place among the Greens' 2,700 membership, many of them new and young, we are told, as opposed to older and wise, it is supposed.
They will cast their votes by post, first on whether to go into government at all, which will require the assent of two-thirds, a difficult ask, but still do-able, and then on the leadership issue.
Should they vote to enter government, Ryan's leadership is assured, but if they vote against, he will probably not contest the leadership to be spared the embarrassment of a second defeat.
So, no real harm is to be done to the man who led the party from the wilderness to two seats and now 12. That's gratitude for you.
At least the Greens will vote, by post. Fianna Fail will not vote at all. Its councillors will have a say, having been strong-armed first by the national executive, all of whom Micheal Martin has spoken to before a deal is even on the table.
If Fianna Fail does nothing else well these days - not even elections (perish the thought) - surely the leader can still manipulate, swing or organise the party behind him.
Here, I differ from most of the commentariat. Fianna Fail's grassroots may not be thrilled by the prospect of this government, but is aware the party needs a spell in government to groom a leadership successor who will, at least, have the benefit of cabinet experience. So Fianna Fail will back the deal.
Fine Gael, meanwhile, is showing every sign that should a black cat cross its path in the room, it would be enough to pull out of negotiations.
Sometimes, it is easier to stay in the room than withdraw. So Varadkar will probably proceed, cautiously, weighing it all up as he goes along, his worst-case scenario to pass the parcel to Micheal Martin at the last moment.
Simon Coveney and Paschal Donohoe will be happy enough to proceed, both interested in the leadership should it become available, but influential voices like Richard Bruton, Michael Ring and Michael Creed, and others, remain steadfastly opposed. Will they serve? They probably won't get a chance, joining a long list of sore heads in Fine Gael and Fianna Fail who feel they know better, jockeying for position beside the next man or woman to take over, whoever that may be.
So, we are about to see put in place the most bitterly divided, suspicious, reluctant government in living memory, and the most recalcitrant opposition too, which will waste no time lambasting Fianna Fail for cutting cash for workers in furlough or lifting rent restrictions.
In other words, despite or because of the agonies associated with putting together this government, we may be about to get a good, possibly even a great administration to lead the country into a post-apocalyptic age, its three leaders with nothing and everything to lose at the same time. Bring it on.