Germany had an unwelcome visitor last week in the form of Heinrich Himmler, Hitler's indispensable craft-brother in the attempted annihilation of European Jewry during the Second World War.
Hundreds of Himmler's private letters have been found in Israel, and they have been rolled out in a superb operation mounted by the German newspaper, Die Welt.
We have much to learn here at home from Die Welt's presentation of this material.
German newspapers tend to be that bit longer than the Irish or British papers, and this gives them an advantage when it comes to handling extensive sets of documents.
Die Welt has divided up the Himmler material into eight themed essays which have been posted online with evocative photographs, interactive graphics and riveting exchanges with all the major Nazi scholars.
They touch on Himmler's formation in a conservative, Catholic, monarchist household, the anti-Semitism he shared with his wife, his daily travails as the head of the SS ("I am travelling to Auschwitz. Kisses, your Heini,"), and his relationship with Hitler.
The overall effect is to welcome the reader in to a vital conversation, whether the reader be an Abitur (Leaving Cert) student, a concerned citizen or a specialist reader.
Himmler's love letters have provoked much comment in Germany and around the world.
Here he professed utter certainty as a young man that Germany's spiritual regeneration under the Nazis was inevitable.
There is even a letter from his daughter at the start of Germany's fateful invasion of Russia. "Russia is so big," Gudrun told her father in the summer of 1941, "if we want to take all of Russia the fight will be really hard." (Smart kid).
Many of Himmler's letters to his wife in the early years of their marriage concerned the wife's problems with the Jews of Berlin.
Himmler, often signing himself Landsknecht (a kind of Arian Fenian warrior), offered his wife soothing words about the enemy within.
Himmler and his wife often wrote of their joint dream: "ein reines Heim", a clean home, a refuge from the "Schmutz" or dirt they associated with Jewish-dominated modern finance capital and mass democracy.
Die Welt's analysis of Himmler's rise up the ranks of the Nazi party makes for the most riveting reading.
Hitler had initially dismissed Himmler when they first met as a minor bureaucrat, a "Buchhaltertyp".
But Hitler was soon impressed by Himmler's organisational talents.
In the early Twenties, Hitler was only one or two steps up from preaching to the oxen in the thoroughfare.
He took his monologues about the "stab in the back" in 1918 and the evils of alcohol to dingy pubs and the backrooms of cafes.
Himmler admitted in one of his letters home that once you heard one Hitler speech you heard them all.
Himmler himself could not hold a note in a public meeting, but he was adept at rustling up modest audiences for Hitler in various Bavarian towns and at collating Hitler's various pieces of paper into book form.
What the Nazi operation lacked in finesse at this point it more than compensated for through doggedness.
The most important question of all that has always lingered over this catastrophic period in German history is just how this kind of an operation ultimately pushed aside the Roman Catholic Church, President Hindenberg and the great German Social Democratic Party to seize supreme power in 1933.
Himmler's letters suggest that we must never underestimate the organisational tenacity of the Nazi machine.
They worked quite literally door to door in any town that would have them, building confidence and making contacts.
Some of the early Hitler-Himmler exchanges about the logistics of their travelling and their meetings inevitably call to mind an important insight into Nazism offered by the chief prosecutor at the Nuremberg trials, Robert H Jackson.
Jackson was a judge on the US Supreme Court before and after Nuremberg, and his confrontation in open court with Goring left a profound impression on his thought.
Writing in a 1949 First Amendment case, Justice Jackson chided his colleagues for their default belief that most kinds of speech are beneficial for society.
He asked his colleagues to think hard about the relationship between speech and violence, particularly at the local level.
"Hitler summed up the strategy of the mass demonstration as used by both fascism and communism: 'We should not work in secret conventicles, but in mighty mass demonstrations, and it is not by dagger and poison or pistol that the road can be cleared for the movement, but by the conquest of the streets. We must teach the Marxists that the future master of the streets is National Socialism, just as it will some day be the master of the state.' First laughed at as an extravagant figure of speech, the battle for the streets became a tragic reality when an organised Sturmabteilung began to give practical effect to its slogan that 'possession of the streets is the key to power in the state'."