Experts believe it is time for a national conversation on Ireland’s military position, with some saying our stance up to now has been founded in “self-delusion”.
uestions have been asked of Ireland’s military position after the EU announced last week it would finance the purchase of lethal weaponry for a third country — Ukraine — for the first time. Irish funds will be used for the supply of non-lethal equipment such as armour and fuel.
While Tánaiste Leo Varadkar conceded Ireland should be prepared to defend itself without relying on neighbours to “save us”, Government figures describe Ireland as politically neutral and militarily non-aligned.
Retired Brigadier General Ger Aherne said this position cannot be justified.
He said Ireland’s declaration of neutrality was a policy designed to steer us through World War II at a time when the country was starved of resources and did not invest in defence but showed some support for allied forces.
We should be considered non-aligned, he added.
“This should have been a topic of conversation in Ireland since 1939,” Mr Aherne said.
“In the main, our neutrality was geared to do two things. Firstly, send word to the world we are humanitarian saviours of the world — which we are not. Secondly, it was a ruse by politicians and civil servants not to expend money on the defence forces.
“Neutrality is a war-time posture and between conflicts countries with an ambition to declare themselves neutral at a time of war have to build the capability and assets to be credibly neutral. Austria, Sweden, Finland and Switzerland do things in an opposite way to us. They have a significant capacity to defend their neutrality. It is not just saying ‘I am neutral’, there are responsibilities involved. Ireland has never had this.
“This is an example of the capacity of the Irish for self-delusion.”
UCD professor of international relations Ben Tonra said the idea of neutrality is complex, and Ireland’s position served us well but might need to be reconsidered.
“The dictionary definition is you don’t take sides in disputes. So, if Ireland was neutral we would not take sides on the Middle East conflict, on Ukraine, international justice, international rights in country X and the invasion of country Y,” Prof Tonra said.
This differs from the Government’s description of neutrality and the public’s perception of it “being nice, good, on the side of the little guy, anti-militarist, anti-nuclear, anti-imperialist and anti-war”, he added.
Prof Tonra said shifting global dynamics may force Ireland to consider change.
He believes a Republican party win at the next US election could emerge as a factor after it was suggested former US president Donald Trump was considering withdrawing America from the Nato alliance during his tenure. Prof Tonra said any future discussion around the formation of a combined EU defence would also force Ireland to consider its position. Meanwhile, eastern European neighbours who stood by Ireland during Brexit may call on us to return the favour, he added.
Rory Montgomery, a former diplomat who worked on the Irish team that negotiated the Good Friday Agreement and a chief adviser to the Government on Brexit talks, says it is time for a national conversation on our military position.
“There has never been an open debate about neutrality. John Bruton, when he became leader of Fine Gael, he tried to start the debate but it is a very hot potato and politicians have generally decided if we don’t have to deal with it, it is better to keep it at a safe distance,” Mr Montgomery said.
“We have not had to face up to these issues in the same way some other countries have. That is partially a function of our geography on the very west of Europe a long way from the former Soviet Union. Other countries, Finland for example — a non-aligned neutral country, its situation is very different from ours and it invested a great deal in defence.”