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Gene Kerrigan

Job is done on Irish after 2008 embarrassment

But the result on Lisbon also lends weight to 'undemocratic' charges from far-right EU critics, writes Gene Kerrigan

Sunday October 04 2009

Within minutes of the first tallies, the gap between the Yes and No votes was so obvious that the hundreds of foreign media hacks began packing their bags. Ireland voting against the Lisbon Treaty was a story, Ireland falling into line was not.

The reversal of the Irish vote was achieved with superb professionalism -- but it'll be some time before we know at what cost -- to Brian Cowen, to the media and to the EU itself.

I didn't hear anyone on radio or television exploring such matters. It was mostly tallies and swings, long after such things mattered. Confirmation that the story was dead came when Mark Little asked RTE's Europe Correspondent, Sean Whelan, a question and Sean began to speak.

A stream of Euro-detail poured forth, the kind of stuff that could only be spoken (or understood) by someone steeped in the micro-minutiae of EU procedure. And even as the country's eyes glazed over, Mark let him go on, and on and on, without interruption. Because there was a lot of time to fill and not much to fill it with.

Micheal Martin oozed charm and tolerance of the No voters. Brian Lenihan snarled about the "junk politics" of the same people.

Sinn Fein's Sean Crowe told RTE's Brian Dobson the Lisbon Treaty issue was now "a one-all draw". Perhaps he was hoping that Brian Cowen would offer to stage a third referendum, a best-out-of-three.

But what was it Mr Cowen said? "The people's decision is sovereign." Ah, yes, we must respect the will of the people.

On radio at one o'clock, Sean O'Rourke tried gamely to revive the story's corpse. When he took a break, he made the mistake of promising to bring us the views of Fianna Fail and the Greens. I decided that if I heard the phrase "the heart of Europe" one more time I'd strangle someone with a long baguette or a short bratwurst.

My heart went out to the poor slobs working hard to set up Vincent Browne's TV3 special on the results, at 5pm -- by which time there could be no one on the entire continent of Europe who'd give a rat's whisker to hear an interpretation of the significance of the swing in South Tipp and the odds on who might be the first President of the European Council. Except, of course, Sean Whelan and Dick Roche -- whose dreams brim over with that kind of stuff.

There was never any doubt the vote would be reversed. We explained a month after the 2008 referendum how this was to be done (it's a variation on how they research election campaigns). Huge surveys were arranged, with twice the sample used in newspaper polls, thereby providing greater accuracy.

Once the thinking of the voters is understood, the marketing experts were put to work. This involved focus groups, where samples of voters were intensely grilled over two hours.

The function of these groups is not to find out what people think (the polls provide that) but to test various slogans and arguments on voters, to find out which work best, what must the parties avoid saying, how the tricky stuff is best phrased.

Basically, you find out what the voters want you to say, then you say it.

The pretence that this vote was about jobs, about "recovery" and about staying in the EU was unashamedly obvious. "We're stronger together, we're stronger working -- Ireland and Europe together -- to help solve the scale of the problems we have, rather than -- going alone, if you like." Thus Mr Brian Cowen, our Taoiseach, seeking to get all the buzz words into one sentence.

Irish politicians were extremely embarrassed by the 2008 vote. It showed they were out of touch with the citizens. They were embarrassed in front of us -- more important, they were embarrassed in front of their EU peers. The media too was embarrassed, similarly out of touch. It was all hands to the wheel for the re-run.

The undisguised determination to be part of the Yes campaign may have damaged previously respected parts of the media.

There were those who honestly espoused a Yes or No vote, but -- as all journalists know -- what mattered was not frank opinion but what wasn't reported and how material was skewed.

The media, print and broadcast, which vigorously and properly investigated Declan Ganley, were incurious about the motives, funding and organisation of the 'civil society' groups that emerged. The motives of such as the Intel and Ryanair bosses were accepted without question.

Some of the stuff that followed the 2008 vote -- accusing voters of arrogance, in that they dared vote No -- verged on the hysterical.

One Irish Times journalist wrote under the headline, 'Why it may be time to consider handing in my Irish passport'. Another under the headline, 'Ratify Lisbon Treaty regardless of Referendum result'.

Fianna Fail received a boost, and internal dissent won't be a problem. After the 2008 vote, there were some who said there should be no re-run. "The Irish people have spoken," said Mattie McGrath TD. As the heat mounted, the party's rank-and-file didn't dare express a contrary opinion.

Brian Cowen took a hiding, as his unpopularity was pitilessly exposed. Performing well as campaign director, Micheal Martin improved his chances for unseating Cowen.

Perhaps it was the EU that suffered real damage. There is a strong and obvious case for binding Europe closer together, but huge suspicion about the political and business elite shaping the EU in their image. The cynicism with which the campaign exploited fear will increase that suspicion.

In various countries -- and in the UK in particular -- there are significant anti-EU constituencies, among them some of the most backward political forces in Europe. Small-minded nationalists, struggling to align their reactionary beliefs with the interests of the wider population, regularly denounce the EU as an undemocratic entity.

Now they can use the job done on Irish voters to prove their point.

Not to worry, mission accomplished, the establishment can relax this weekend. May we suggest bonuses all round?

Originally published in

 
 

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